From Washington Post
Donald Trump’s charitable foundation — which has been sustained for years by donors outside the Trump family — has never obtained the certification that New York requires before charities can solicit money from the public, according to the state attorney general’s office.
Donald Trump’s charitable foundation — which has been sustained for years by donors outside the Trump family — has never obtained the certification that New York requires before charities can solicit money from the public, according to the state attorney general’s office.
Under the laws in New York, where the Donald J. Trump
Foundation is based, any charity that solicits more than $25,000 a year from
the public must obtain a special kind of registration beforehand. Charities as
large as Trump’s must also submit to a rigorous annual audit that asks — among
other things — whether the charity spent any money for the personal benefit of
its officers.
If New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman (D) finds that
Trump’s foundation raised money in violation of the law, he could order the
charity to stop raising money immediately. With a court’s permission,
Schneiderman could also force Trump to return money that his foundation has
already raised.
The Trump campaign did not respond to a request for comment
Thursday.
Schneiderman’s office declined to comment on whether it was
investigating the lack of registration for the Trump Foundation. Schneiderman
had previously launched an investigation of the foundation in the wake of
reports by The Washington Post that Trump used his charity’s money to make a
political gift, to buy paintings of himself and to settle legal disputes
involving his forprofit businesses.
Tax filings show that in each of the past 10 years for
which there are records, the Trump Foundation raised more than $25,000 from
outsiders. Tax records alone do not reveal whether the donations amounted to
solicitations under New York law, but in several cases there is strong evidence
that they did.
For instance, the foundation has received more than $2.3
million from companies that owed money to Trump or one of his businesses — but
that were instructed to pay the foundation instead, according to people
familiar with those transactions.
In the most obvious example of a public
solicitation, the Trump Foundation set up a website early this year to collect
smalldollar donations that it promised to pass along to veterans. In all, the
website said, the Trump Foundation took in $1.67 million through that site.
But, as of this week, the Trump Foundation had not obtained
the state registration required to ask for donations, according to a spokesman
for Schneiderman.
Experts on charity law said they were surprised that
Trump’s foundation — given its connections to a wealthy man and his complex
corporation — did not register to solicit funds.
“He’s a billionaire who acts like a thousandaire,” said James J. Fishman, a professor at Pace
University’s law school in White Plains, N.Y. He said Trump’s foundation seemed
to have made errors, including the lack of proper registration, that were more
common among very small family foundations.
“You wouldn’t expect somebody who’s supposed to be
sophisticated, and brags about his business prowess, would run his foundation
like this,” Fishman said.
The Trump Foundation was established by Trump in 1987 to
give away the proceeds of his book “The Art of the Deal.” Trump is still the
foundation’s president.
For many years, Trump was the foundation’s sole donor: He
gave a total of $5.4 million between 1987 and 2006.
Under state law, the foundation during that period was
required to have only the
leastdemanding kind of certification, referred to as “EPTL,” because it
is governed by the Estates, Powers and Trusts Law.
Under that registration, the Trump Foundation filed annual
reports with the Internal Revenue Service and the state. But the state did not
require an independent audit to ensure that the charity was handling its funds
properly.
But starting in the early 2000s, Trump’s foundation began
to change. It began to take in donations from other people.
At first, it happened a little bit at a time. In 2004, for
instance, an autograph seeker sent $25 to Trump Tower, along with a book he
wanted Trump to sign. The book came back signed. The money was deposited in the
Trump Foundation.
Then, the gifts began to get larger.
In 2005, Trump’s wife, Melania, was named “Godmother” of a
new ship launched by Norwegian Cruise Lines. As part of its agreement with
Melania Trump, the cruise lines said, it gave $100,000 to the Trump Foundation.
The Trump campaign has not responded to requests for comment on the gift.
In the meantime, Trump himself drastically
reduced his gifts. After 2008, tax records show he stopped giving altogether.
Since then, according to tax records, the Trump Foundation
has received all of its incoming money — more than $4.3 million — from other
donors.
Under state law, charities that solicit donations from
others in New York must register under a different law, called “7A” for its
article heading.
In that law, the definitions of “solicit” and “in New York”
are both broad. Solicit means “to directly or indirectly make a request for a
contribution, whether express or implied, through any medium.” The requirement
covers any solicitation that happened in New York or involved a donor who was
in New York when somebody called them and asked.
“The only thing it wouldn’t cover is somebody giving money
without being asked,” said Pamela Mann, a former head of the New York State
charities bureau, who is now in private practice at Carter Ledyard &
Milburn. “The law says that soliciting from the public in New York, without
being registered to do so, is an illegal act.”
The Trump Foundation has received more than $25,000 from
people other than Trump in all of the past 10 years shown in tax records. In
some cases, the donors have declined to comment, so it is not clear whether the
donations were actually solicited and, if so, whether the solicitation happened
in New York.
But, in several cases, The Post’s reporting has indicated
that the Trump Foundation or Trump himself did help bring in the money.
In 2011, for instance, Trump was the star of a televised
“roast” on Comedy Central in New York. He directed his $400,000 appearance fee
to the Donald J. Trump Foundation, according to a Trump campaign staffer.
Between 2011 and 2014, the Trump Foundation also received
nearly $1.9 million from a New York businessman named Richard Ebers, who sells
highend tickets and oneofakind experiences to wealthy clients.
Two people familiar with those transactions told The Post
that Ebers bought tickets and other goods and services from Trump, and was
instructed — by Trump or someone at his company — to pay the Trump Foundation
instead.
Trump’s campaign has neither confirmed nor denied The
Post’s reporting about the nature of the donations from Ebers. Ebers has
declined to comment.
Then, this year, Trump skipped a Republican primary debate in
Iowa and instead held a televised fundraiser for veterans’ causes. As part of
that effort, he set up a website, donaldtrumpforvets.com, which took donations
via credit card — and sent them to the Donald J. Trump Foundation.
“Over 1,670,000 raised online,” said the thankyou message
from the Trump Foundation, after The Post made a $10 donation in March.
The most important consequence of not registering under the
more rigorous “7A” level was that the Trump Foundation was not required by the
state to submit to an annual audit by outside accountants. In such an audit,
charitylaw experts said, the accountants might have checked the Trump
Foundation’s books — comparing its records with its outgoing checks, and asking
whether the foundation had engaged in any transactions that benefited Trump or
his busi nesses.
In recent years, The Post has reported, Trump’s foundation
does appear to have violated tax laws in several instances.
In 2013, it gave a donation to a political group supporting
Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi (R) — despite a ban on nonprofit groups
making political gifts. The Trump Foundation then filed an incorrect tax
filing, which omitted any mention of that gift, and said incorrectly that the
money had gone to a charity in Kansas. Trump paid a $2,500 penalty tax for that
political gift this year.
In two other instances, Trump’s foundation has made
payments which appeared to help settle legal disputes involving Trump’s
forprofit businesses. In 2007, Trump’s foundation paid $100,000 to settle a
lawsuit involving his MaraLago Club in Florida. And in 2012, the foundation
paid $158,000 to the charity of a New York man named Martin Greenberg on the
day that Greenberg settled a lawsuit against one of Trump’s golf courses.
Those two cases are under investigation by Schneiderman.
Just this week, his office requested that a Florida attorney provide a copy of
the foundation check that Trump had sent to settle the MaraLago case.
Trump’s son Eric has his own foundation, also headquartered
in New York, which raises money from the public through an annual golf
tournament.
Unlike his father’s charity, however, the Eric Trump
Foundation has registered to solicit funds in the state and files an annual
audit report. The two Trump foundations share an accountant, Donald Bender of
the firm WeiserMazars. A spokeswoman for the firm declined to comment on
Thursday.
David A. Fahrenthold
covers the 2016 presidential campaign for The Washington Post. He has been at
the Post since 2000, and previously covered Congress, the federal bureaucracy,
the environment, and the D.C. police. Follow
@Fahrenthold